家屋中以火塘為核心來組織，並在火塘周圍分享食物、共同進食，這是人類學研究在中國西南少數民族以及島嶼東南亞的民族誌中頻繁被提到的話題。然而，構成一個家屋的共食活動不一定只有透過分享來凝聚整合的一面，也有透過空間區分的共食活動來達到家屋內分類的可能性。本文希望以四川西北嘉絨藏人的家屋、火塘與共食，從嘉絨人在家屋不同樓層的共食活動來呈現以空間劃分出不同共食人群的分類方式，但是又會透過家屋的建築本身整合為一個整體，體現家屋既區分又整合的「拓撲學反轉」（topolo gicalreversal）之特殊性。初步來說，嘉絨人三層樓的家屋將空間劃分為最底層為家禽家畜的空間、二樓則是火塘與家屋內成員的空間、三樓是藏傳佛教經堂與山神煨桑祭壇。這三個空間由低至高分別由女性、兩性與男性負責，但是共食的依序則是家禽家畜、家屋成員、喇嘛與山神或菩薩等。值得注意的是，二樓與三樓共食的食物都是由二樓家屋空間kha 裡的火塘製作出來的，而一樓的食物則是必須由另一個專屬的火塘來製作。因此，本文希望呈現嘉絨人如何將家屋中備餐與共食的空間分布、性別區分整合、身分劃分全部都整合至一個家屋中，最後使得他們的家屋成為一個意義極為密集的文化單位。

Ethnographies on Southwest China minorities and the Southeast Asia islands show people organizing their houses around the hearth, and surrounding the hearth to share and eat food is a prevalent topic. However, a communal meal not only integrates people through the spirit and action of sharing but also represents classification inside the house through space differentiation. This paper is an attempt to describe how rGyalrong people produce and consume foods on different floors of the house, while also presenting how they objectify their cultural classifications and, ultimately, integrate into a unity, which is the house. The process of differentiation and integration also corresponds to Claude Lévi-Strauss’ idea of topological reversal in his theory of house societies. Generally, a rGyalrong house is a three-story building of stone and wood. The first floor is space for cattle, the second floor is for the hearth and house members, and the third floor is for the Tibetan Buddhism hall and shrine for mountain deities. The spaces of these three floors, from the lowest to the highest, are arranged in a hierarchical order: first, second, and third. Women oversee the first floor, men are in charge of the third floor, and both genders live and work on the second floor. Another order based on the same space arrangement is that cattle stay on the first floor, house members live on the second floor, and deities, buddhas, and bodhisattvas on the third floor. Interestingly, two types of food consumed by house members who live on the second floor and Tibetan Buddhist lamas who live on the third during their stays for ritual performances are both made using the hearth in the kha space on the second floor. Moreover, food for cattle on the first floor must come from another fireplace on the first floor. Thus, this paper intends to present how rGyalrong people encompass spatial arrangements, gender differentiation and integration, as well as membership and status of being, into their houses to form a condensed cultural unit.